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Showing posts with label War on Terror. Show all posts
Showing posts with label War on Terror. Show all posts

Monday, January 28, 2008

On the State of the Union speech

In this post, I won't focus too much on the President's domestic agenda. Instead, I just want to highlight a few items he mentioned in his State of the Union address with regard to foreign affairs, which I consider important.

One of the most important policy initiatives the President mentioned was Reform Trade Adjustment Assistance, which he mentioned right after asking Congress to pass the Free Trade Agreements with Colombia, Panama and South Korea. The FTA's are important, particularly as the US tries to stem the tide against Hugo Chavez' Bolivarian Revolution, which has spread from Venezuela to Bolivia, Ecuador and to a lesser extent Nicaragua. To be fair, there are many issues within these countries that have aided Chavismo in its pursuit, but Colombia, and Mexico have served to a large extent as bulwarks against Chavez' influence. Passing the FTA with Colombia rewards a strong ally, and one who has also taken on extremely difficult issues within his own country; issues that have cost him politically, both in stature, but also in political allies who have been forced to resign from his government for their ties to right-wing military groups accused of egregious human rights violations. These issues, however, would be better explored in a post solely dedicated to Colombia.

With regard to South Korea, the FTA is much warranted, as that country has seen much of its investment flowing to China to take advantage of the opportunities that the Chinese juggernaut presents. Opening markets, preferentially to South Korea would aid them in attracting more FDI as China, among others try to take advantage of the opportunities the FTA provides for South Korean exporters. It would also likely make South Korea a bit more cooperative on the issue of North Korea's nuclear disarmament, which is likely to be a very important issue as a new president takes office come next January.

Reform Trade Adjustment Assistance would make the passage of these FTAs easier, as it would address at least one aspect of concern for members of Congress who are less than enthusiastic about passing another FTA, for fear of the job losses the US is likely to incur as a result. The program, if funded, can help Americans so affected by providing with among other things, rapid response assistance, reemployment services, job search allowances, relocation allowances, training and income support. I suspect that even this may not be enough to get these FTAs passed through Congress, as there is much anti-Free Trade sentiment there nowadays, mostly due to out current economic woes.

Perhaps the most important policy initiative put forth by the President in this State of the Union, one Tom Barnett has repeatedly and forcefully argued for, is that of purchasing food aid, not from American farmers, but rather from local farmers in the countries to which the aid is going. In this way, we not only provide famine stricken areas with food aid, but also jump start their local economies thereby reconnecting them, ever so slightly to the global market. It was unclear from the president's statement, whether the food aid would be purchased from farmers in the specific country we are trying to help, or from the third world in general. The distinction is important as purchasing food aid from emerging agricultural power houses would aid these in achieving first world status. This policy proposal will now doubt be fought tooth and nail by our agricultural lobby, and powerful congressmen such as Tom Lantos, who have opposed such initiatives in the past. However, if there's a proposal specifically designed to shrink the Gap, and truly focus our development aid (and humanitarian aid) where it is most needed, this is it. The President being a lame duck at this point is unlikely to gain much traction on this issue, but it is at least noteworthy that he mentioned it.

The President also seemed to bring to the fore a new "Axis of Despotism(?)," by naming Cuba, Zimbabwe, Belarus and Burma, at least three if which don't get much time in the American press, as countries where the US supports freedom. However, it is unlikely that any new initiatives will pass during the next 11 months that would seek to implement any policy with regard to these states. That may be a good thing, since given the changing political dynamic within Cuba, at least, the worst thing we could do is give the new leadership an excuse to close themselves further, or to rally nationalist sentiment against the US. The least we intervene in Cuba, the more they have to focus on their internal problems, as Iran has demonstrated to some extent following the lowering of tensions between the US and Iran. Of course, the President, seemingly failing to heed the message, directed some of his comments to Iran, something that can only help Ahmedinejad in rallying conservatives and nationalists to his side once again; people who have seemingly abandoned him as of late, due to his incompetence and mismanagement of the Iranian economy (among them, Ayatollah Khamenei). As others will likely note, asking Iran to give up its Ace before sitting at the negotiating table, will not happen. It's nuclear program is leverage, without which it knows it can't get what it wants. This however, is also a subject best tackled in its own post as it is too complicated to flesh out in a paragraph.

One of the few points where I disagreed with the President was on this overtly broad statement:

In the past seven years, we've also seen the images that have sobered us. We've watched throngs of mourners in Lebanon and Pakistan carrying the caskets of beloved leaders taken by the assassins' hands.

We've seen wedding guests in blood-soaked finery staggering from a hotel in Jordan, Afghans and Iraqis blown up in mosques and markets, and trains in London and Madrid ripped apart by bombs

We are engaged in the defining ideological struggle of the 21st century. The terrorists oppose every principle of humanity and decency that we hold dear.

....that is why the terrorists are fighting to deny this choice to the people in Lebanon, Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan and the Palestinian territories.

I don't much disagee that we are indeed fighting terrorists in some of these places, my problem, rather is from his using the "terrorists" to describe them all, lumping separate conflicts under one banner while also seeming to tie them to al Qaeda. In Lebanon, the major is not against al Qaeda, but rather against Iran and Syria's attempt to increase their influence in the country and aid their quasi-proxy, Hezbollah. That conflict is intimately tied to Iran's rise and the reshaping geopolitical landscape of the Middle East, in what Vali Nasr has termed the Shia Revival. Being Shiites, or secularists in the case of Syria, these countries see al Qaeda as enemies, not allies. To boot, Iran helped us during the Afghan campaign because al Qaeda, being a Sunni fundamentalist entity and ideology sees Shiites as worst than even the infidel West.

Iraq, for the most part, has become part of that struggle, with Sunnis seeking a better contract than the one they were presented with following the toppling of Saddam Hussein. It is also a conflict between and among Shiites, who have differing visions of the future of Iraq. It also involves the Kurds and their own dreams for self-actualization, and the security interests of Turkey, Iran and Syria, all of which have a substantial minority Kurdish population. Al Qaeda in Iraq, is but a minor player, powerful to be sure, but surrounded by enemies on all sides, including now, the Sunnis who have chosen to side with the US against their one time ally.

The Palestinian territories have more to do with Israels right to security and Palestinian's valid claims for nationhood. Most of the violence there centers on intra-Palestinian issues that have little, if nothing, to do with our GWOT against al Qaeda.

In fact, of all these, only Afghanistan and Pakistan have major problems with al Qaeda and the Taliban, and hence, the terrorists who attacked on us on September 11, 2001. Even here, however, there are deeper issues centered on Pakistan's need for a friendlier, neutral government in Afghanistan so as to avoid the prospect of a two front war, if it were to start one with India. So long as we don't address some of Pakistan's security needs in Afghanistan, it is unlikely that they will do much to stamp out the Taliban, or al Qaeda, as they would see these (particularly the Taliban) as a means of retaining influence in Afghanistan. In lumping all of these different conflicts together under the moniker of terrorism, the President makes it seem as if they are all related to the main fight against al Qaeda. They are important, to be sure, but thinking of them solely in terms of al Qaeda or the GWOT obscures far too much nuance and information we need to ensure that we craft strategies that address the problems we face, and not those we imagine. Most of these topics deserve their own posts, and not merely one or two paragraphs in a large post. However, I just wanted to highlight these for readers, as those I thought were the most important aspects in the President's State of the Union speech.

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Thursday, December 27, 2007

Breaking News: Benazir Bhutto killed in Pakistan (Updated again)

According to early news reports, she was shot in the neck and chest before the gunman blew himself up, killing another 20 people. The repercussions of this assassination are deeply troubling for Pakistan.

Already, many Bhutto supporters are laying blame at the feet of Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf (indeed some people here in the states are already doing the same). Given the recently lifted state of emergency in the country, which many saw as a way for Musharraf to avoid legal challenges to his staying in office, some will likely point fingers at him and the military as the culprits of Bhutto's death; this, as she presented a challenge to his authority. This at least, is how her assassination will be seen in some circles in Pakistan. Even if her death is ultimately proven to be the result of targeting by al Qaeda, or other militant elements, the government will be seen as sharing a large part of the blame. In this view, the government did not do all it could to protect Mrs. Bhutto, because it wasn't in its interest to do so.

The attack has the hallmarks of al Qaeda, or at the very least militant elements within Pakistan who appear to have also targeted Nawaz Sharif today. The attack was similar to the attack against her in October, following her return to Pakistan. The attack also comes 12 days before the election date in Pakistan, and it remains to be seen what steps the government will take in response to this event, and how Bhutto's party will react. She had allied herself to President Musharraf, who looked to her as a means of gaining a modicum of legitimacy to his rule. Mr. Sharif, on the other hand, has not been too keen to cooperate with the government and indeed has called for the restoration of the Supreme Court, the release of all political prisoners and for President Musharraf to step down.

President Musharraf could very well declare another state of emergency, particularly if Bhutto's Pakistan People's Party decides to carry out sustained protests against the government, blaming it for the death of their leader. This would likely exacerbate the political crisis in the country, as it would pit one of the largest political parties there against President Musharraf. If Sharif's Muslim League follows suit, it could lead to a bloody crackdown by the government, leaving the U.S. in a very difficult position vis a vis Pakistan.

Al Qaeda, if indeed it is al Qaeda or one of its offshoots, with two bullets and a suicide vest has come very close to destroying what little legitimacy Musharraf's government still had, at least in the eyes of Bhutto supporters, while also exacerbating the political turmoil in the country. Without Bhutto, given Sharif's vow not to cooperate with Musharraf, Musharraf's plan to use the January elections to enhance the legitimacy of his government seems in taters. The elections were extremely important to Musharraf for this very reason, with the assassination of Mrs. Bhutto, his plan, if still possible, is hanging by a very thin thread.

Update: So it begins

Picture via al Jazeera

Protesters have started heading to the streets, already clashing with police in Karachi and Peshawar, who have begun using tear gas to push them back. According to Channelnewasia, "Shops were also closed in Karachi, Bhutto's home city. Protesters burnt tires and blocked major roads, triggering a massive traffic jam in some places." It's only natural that the protests follow her death. It remains to be seen, however, how the government responds. If it begins using deadly force, this will likely increase instability and lead to countrywide demonstrations and the possibly the fall of Musharraf's government. So far, Musharraf has appealed for peace, according to state TV, but his message is unlikely to be heeded any time soon.

According to the counterterrorism blog, violence has also spread to Islamabad and Pindi. Animesh Roul, the author of the post also indicates that Taliban commander Baitulah Mesud is suspected of having some hand in the assassination. Much like I have laid out here, he also posits the following: "The big question now before the Musharraf regime is that whether to hold the election or impose country wide emergency again." As expected, Nawaz Sharif's Muslim League has already issued a statement all but blaming Musharraf for Bhutto's death, saying (not incorrectly) that the government has failed to maintain law & order.

Update II

According to The Blotter, al Qaeda has issued a statement claiming responsibility for the assassination of Benazir Bhutto.

An obscure Italian Web site said Mustafa Abu al-Yazid, al Qaeda's commander in Afghanistan, told its reporter in a phone call, "We terminated the most precious American asset which vowed to defeat [the] mujahedeen."

As The Blotter notes, these postings are not always reliable, but it is interesting to note the language used in the posting. As I alluded to above, Bhutto was seen by many in the West, and within Pakistan, as a means to legitimize the government of Pervez Musharraf. Her death takes that option off the table and Pakistan is turmoil.

The Times Online has an article listing other possible culprits in Bhutto's assassination. According to the article, the main suspects are:

Baitullah Mehsud, a top commander fighting the Pakistani army in the tribal region of South Waziristan. He has close ties to al Qaeda and the Afghan Taleban.

The other is Haji Omar, the “amir” or leader of the Pakistani Taleban, who is also from South Waziristan and fought against the Soviets with the Mujahideen in Afghanistan.

Update III

Sen. Biden held a press conference on the assassination of Benazir Bhutto. With his statement on the events, he implied that President Musharraf bore some responsibility for her death, and alluded to letters and calls he made to Musharraf asking him to provide Mrs. Bhutto with more security. At the same time, he gives Musharraf a way out, through a transparent investigation of the security lapse that led to her murder, while also calling for her supporters to not lash out in anger but to remain calm, arguing that the best way to honor Bhutto is to "uphold the values for which she gave her life: democracy, moderation and social justice." Obviously, the senator here is playing to his strengths as one of the foremost experts on foreign policy in the senate, but on display is also his familiarity with world leaders, such as Mrs. Bhutto, whom he called a personal friend. The message seems stern, but measured, providing a way for President Musharraf to regain a measure of trust from his people and the US.

Update IV

Looks like Nawaz Sharif is aiming for the jackpot. He has announced that his party, the Pakistan Muslim League, will boycott the elections scheduled for January 8, 2008 and demanded that President Musharraf resign immediately. He also asked all other political parties to stand with him and boycott the elections as well, including Benazir Bhutto's party, the Pakistan People's Party. This is important because as the article notes, with her demise, he is now the most powerful secular figure in the political establishment.

Also, President Bush addressed the situation in Pakistan, condemning Bhutto's assassination and calling President Musharraf. It is not yet known what he told the Pakistani president but it is something not too dissimilar to what Joe Biden said in his statement, though perhaps without implying that he, Musharraf, held some responsibility for her death. We likely won't know for a while, but it will be interesting to see how much pressure we can apply on Musharraf, now that Bhutto is gone, since he will be seen by the White House as the bulwark of stability in an otherwise extremely unstable Pakistan. I suspect the White House will now appeal to Saudi Arabia to pressure Sharif into some sort of arrangement with Musharraf to stave off the coming confrontation (say either Sharif's party nominates a Prime Minister, since he is barred due to legal troubles and in return for allying with Musharraf, all charges are dropped). This will be harder now, considering Sharif's boycott and his past with Musharraf.

Update V

Updating a previous update on those responsible for Benazir Bhutto's death, according to this article (H/T Ali Eteraz), Ayman Al-Zawahiri is believed to have made the decision to kill Bhutto, and constituted death squads for the mission, including the one cell comprising a defunct Lashkar-i-Jhangvi’s Punjabi volunteer who carried out this murder.

More coverage:

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Monday, October 01, 2007

More on comedy and the war on terror, and on moving beyond it

It seems as if my post on the role of comedy in this War on Terror was timely. The New York Times published an article on Friday on Saudis rethinking of the taboo of letting women drive. (H/T Tom Barnett).

Barnett notes the different reasons for the Saudis' move with regard to this long held taboo; economics and connectivity. However, he also notes the role of Saudi Arabia's popular sitcoms,“Tash Ma Tash” (“No Big Deal” and “Amsha Bint Amash” (“Amsha, Daughter of Amash”), in preparing Saudi society for allowing women to drive. The use of comedy, or entertainment to acculturate a society to coming change is not something new, and is something we need to take note of as we look for better ways to fight this war on terror.

In his latest piece, Tom Friedman (H/T Tom Barnett) calls for this very rethinking on 9/11 and its after effects while also endorsing what he refers to as the 9/12 candidate or the candidate who moves beyond the anger, and fear, "a president who will unite us around a common purpose, not a common enemy."

He's right. The War on Terror needs to be reshaped, beginning with its name. We need to move away from promoting fear of terrorism, extremism, invasion, etc. In short, away from the largely kinetic mode we've been in during the last six years, and toward employing every aspect of our power, particularly the largely underutilized soft-power of diplomacy, and the universal appeal of our culture, both with regard to entertainment, as well as our values.

Does this mean that we just pretend that we no longer have any enemies? Of course not. As Friedman states,

"It is not that I thought we had new enemies that day and now I don’t. Yes, in the wake of 9/11, we need new precautions, new barriers. But we also need our old habits and sense of openness. For me, the candidate of 9/12 is the one who will not only understand who our enemies are, but who we are."

"Before 9/11, the world thought America’s slogan was: “Where anything is possible for anybody.” But that is not our global brand anymore. Our government has been exporting fear, not hope: 'Give me your tired, your poor and your fingerprints.'"

Barnett calls this the natural realignment we need. I agree. It is not that we don't continue fighting our enemies, but rather that we do it more intelligently. That means moving away from the rhetoric of Iraq as the pivot on which this GWOT will turn, toward a better understanding of the type of war we are actually fighting. It means recognizing that in Iraq we are engaging many different enemies, few of which actually have anything to do with Al Qaeda, hence we end up in a situation where we are spending too much blood, and treasure for too little gain.

Al Qaeda, as the president and others like to quote so much, says that Iraq is the most important battlefield for them, and yet, al Qaeda makes up less than 10 percent of the Iraqi Sunni insurgency, which itself is only 15 percent of the population. Al Qaeda touts Iraq as the main front in the GWOT, because it knows how much money and blood we are spending there everyday, they know that our population is growing weary. The reason is plain, in Iraq we are fighting not only Sunni insurgents, including al Qaeda, but also Shiite militias and to a lesser extent Kurdish militias seeking to destabilize Turkey, Iran and Syria. Yet, while we fight in Iraq against these myriad 'enemies,' al Qaeda re-groups in safety in Pakistan and the Taliban gains strength in Afghanistan. No matter how you look at it, that is not the best way to fight this GWOT, whose focus has become so myopic that we fail to see anything but Iraq.

It is time to step back and reassess where we are, and were we are going, and to come up with a better means of getting there. Seeing Iraq as the end all of this GWOT, is reminiscent of the arguments about Vietnam with regard to the Cold War. Yet, once we withdrew from Vietnam, we moved to not only contain the carnage, but also to reengage more creatively with the world, including Communist China. No longer being consumed by Vietnam, we moved to craft a new strategy that exploited the vast differences between the Soviets and the Chinese, while also promoting a market economy abroad, particularly in East Asia where through our security umbrella we allowed Japan and the Asian Tigers to focus on economic growth and not on military build-ups. We need a similar over-arching strategy again, one that looks beyond the immediate battle and focuses on the larger board; in short, we need real leadership.

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Saturday, August 04, 2007

On Rep. Tancredo's plan for deterring nuclear terrorism

Thanks to Shloky, I came across Rep. Tancredo's comments for how he would go about deterring nuclear terrorism. According to The Denver Post, Rep. Tancredo, in Iowa, said this:

"If it is up to me, we are going to explain that an attack on this homeland of that nature (nuclear) would be followed by an attack (conventional forces) on the holy sites in Mecca and Medina," Tancredo said at the Family Table restaurant. "Because that's the only thing I can think of that might deter somebody from doing what they otherwise might do."

Shloky, rightly questions Rep. Tancredo's thinking, by asking, "this guy is paid 170,000 to think this..." To its credit, the State Department quickly responded, by stating that the "congressman’s comments were 'reprehensible' and 'absolutely crazy.'" This is not the first time that Tancredo has suggested this, as CNN's Political Ticker blog notes, he got in trouble for suggesting the same thing back in 2005. Dan at Tdaxp, responds to Shloky and says that Tancredo is right on this.

I disagree with Rep. Tancredo and Dan. I believe that the main premise of their argument, that terrorists can be deterred if we make it clear that we will attack that which is of most value to them (i.e. the Kaaba and other religious sites such as Mecca, Medina, etc.), is wrong. The reason is that to most Jihadists, the world as it stands now, it is in a state of fitna, chaos like that present before the arrival of Prophet Mohammed. In addition, the Muslims world, as Bin Laden and Zawahiri have argued since their movement began, is under occupation by the West, specifically the United States and so are its holiest sites. That was one of the stated reasons for bin Laden's campaign against the West in the 1990s. This was particularly true, given that at the time he declared Holy War on the US, the US had forces stationed in Saudi Arabia to deter Iraq's Saddam Hussein. With Hussein now gone, and American forces in Iraq only miles from Islam's holiest sites, an additional threat the existence of those sites is unlikely to deter al Qaeda. The reason for this is that the holiest sites of Islam are already under occupation by proxies of the West, and threatened by American forces stationed in Iraq, hence al Qaeda is already fighting (as they see it) to not only liberate their homeland from the West and its proxies, but also Islam's holiest sites. In short, given the state of the world as it now stands, it is likely that they would rather see these sites destroyed than have them under continued occupation.

In addition, Bin Laden has said many times that his main mission in targeting the US and its allies is not so much to bring them down, but rather to incite the Muslim masses to action, to rise up and fight for their Muslim homeland and for the word of Allah. As such, any attack on Islam’s holy sites rather than diminish bin Laden would achieve for him, that which he has sought for so long; a means of inciting the Muslim masses to Jihad. The reason for this, is that an attack on Islam's holiest sites, or the threat of an attack, would be seen by the larger Muslim world, not as a threat against the Jihadi minority, but as an affront and threat to the very survival of the Islamic world. In short, it would prove bin Laden's argument and fulfill his goal, a goal which has so far proved elusive even with our invasion of Iraq.

While Muslims are angry at the US for a myriad reasons, ranging from our support for Israel and our invasion of Iraq to American support and acquiescence to the continued oppression of Muslims in the Middle East and beyond under the thumb of the various dictators and autocrats in the region (i.e. the House of Saud, Hosni Mubarak, Gen. Pervez Musharraf, etc.), to date, most of these have refused to heed Osama's call to Jihad. Although there has been an increase in Jihadi terrorism, and recruitment, it still remains a minority within the Muslim population. Threaten Islam's holiest sites, and that calculus is likely to change, dramatically.

A strategy as outlined by Rep. Tancredo would essentially achieve everything that Bin Laden has sought and would amount to the US shooting itself in the foot. Additionally, as Tdaxp himself pointed out, Mecca is already being destroyed, but not by the West. Instead, it is being destroyed by one of the most influential religious sects in the Jihadi movement, the Wahhabis. The Wahhabi movement is known for its austere religious interpretations, and how these fall almost perfectly in line with those of extremist groups like al Qaeda. As such, even threatening the destruction of Islam's holiest sites, may not prove as much of a deterrent as Rep. Tancredo or Dan hope for. The reason, the Wahhabi's would likely welcome their destruction as sites that have the potential for inspiring idolatry. In essence, we achieve that which al Qaeda wants (incite the Muslim world to Jihad), and the Wahhabi movement is already doing with little gain for us. Given that most Muslims do not subscribe to either sect or the beliefs that underpin them, this means that we are threatening to destroy the most important and holy sites in Islam in response to two radical minority groups, inciting millions of moderate Muslims from North Africa all the way to Southeast Asia, ultimately achieving that which we are trying to prevent.

Instead, we need to focus on marginalizing al Qaeda, and even the Wahhabis in Saudi Arabia. We undermine al Qaeda by addressing the grievances they conveniently use to garner support for their movement. That means, moving to end our occupation of Iraq in a responsible manner, and resolving the Israeli-Palestinian issue in a fair manner. It also means pushing the monarchies, autocrats, dictators in the region, not only those who oppose us like Assad in Syria or the Mullah's in Tehran, but also our allies in Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Morocco, Pakistan, Egypt to move to reform their political and economic structures to either regain legitimacy from their own populations, or give way to