On Iraq and the War on Terror
Recently Larry C. Johnson from No Quarter published a post titled “Why we must leave Iraq.” In it he set out our current situation, as he sees it, and the options available to us based on that reality. His analysis leaves us a lot to think about regarding our current situation there. However, I disagree with his basic premise, which is that our presence in Iraq is “facilitating the creation of an Islamic state that will be a client of Iran.” It is true that the current political leaders in Iraq have a strong affinity with the Iranian state, which should not be unexpected as they lived in Iran during their exile from Iraq, and some even fought on Iran’s side during the Iran-Iraq war. However, the religious establishment, primarily in the form of Grand Ayatollah al Sistani and the quasi religious-political opposition figure al Sadr, are both fervent Iraqi nationalists and are not afraid to challenge the political establishment. This was apparent this week as both spoke out against the draft Iraqi constitution which the Shiite and Kurdish politicians tried to pass over the objections of the Sunnis. Al Sistani spoke out against the draft, stating that Shiites needed to stand with their Sunni brothers and could not ignore their opposition to the draft that had been submitted. This also prompted U.S. ambassador Khalizad to open the door to further editing of the draft constitution. Sistani and Sadr are currently the two most powerful religious leaders in the country and, in effect, serve as a check on the political establishment. While Sistani is Persian and Iranian, not Iraqi or Arab, he comes from a school of thought that opposes the Khomeini/Khameini branch of Shia Islam. Due to the fact that he is not beholden to any government, nor serves in any political capacity, he has far more standing among Shiites in both Iran and Iraq than any other religious figure and as such serves as a counter-weight to the ruling establishment in Tehran as well. I also disagree with his contention that “at a minimum we should expect a secular society where the average Iraqi can move around the country without fear of being killed or kidnapped,” but do agree with him on the fact that if we cannot make the necessary commitment to win this war, then it is senseless to continue to put our men and women in harm’s way. I would caution this recommendation, however, with the warning below. If we leave the country now, not only are we abandoning Iraqis to their fate for a second time (first at the hands of Saddam Hussein and now to a much bloodier fate), but we are also leaving the country open to its complete infiltration by al Qaeda. If we abandon the country now, we leave al Qaeda unfettered access to a lawless region that has borders with almost every country in the Persian Gulf, access to weapons, training camps and funding as they have never had before. It is true the current administration made a mistake in not going into Iraq with enough troops, as General Shinseki admonished them to (at a minimum 350, 000 troops to secure Iraq after the invasion) and that that early mistake led to much of the problems with which we are currently confronted. However, to abandon Iraq now would be an even bigger mistake than the one we committed when we abandoned Afghanistan in the early 1990s. While it is true that Iraq had nothing to do with al Qaeda, or 9/11, the reality is that al Qaeda is there now and while separate from the Sunni insurgency we are also fighting in Iraq, it is by far the more dangerous. In “Knights under the Prophet’s Banner,” az Zawahiri argued that if the 9/11 attacks did not lead to the creation of an Islamist state in the Middle East from which to export Jihad to the rest of the Arab world, then it would have been a failure. As such, leaving Iraq now would be tantamount to giving al Qaeda exactly what it wants. It is true that Iraq has become a training camp of sorts for al Qaeda, a place where they send green soldiers to gain experience in combat against American troops, but this will be true anywhere else we go. Additionally, leaving Iraq to al Qaeda will allow it to create camps in the most lawless regions, unfettered and in relative safety, and with access to most of the countries in the Middle East. That said, we do need to ask ourselves what it is that we are trying to do in Iraq and who the enemies we are facing actually are. Only then will we be able to answer the question of how much we are willing to sacrifice in Iraq which is something which this President has refused to do. Larry is right, we have reached an important point in this campaign, and now we must ask ourselves what our objectives are and whether they are important enough to sacrifice the lives of our men and women (our family members and friends). In Iraq, as Larry points out we are facing two enemies. The first is a native Sunni and Iraqi insurgency that is fighting for limited objectives. As such, it is an actor with whom we can negotiate. However, such negotiations will require us to make some very important concessions, among them the possible acceptance of a new Baath party, a more prominent role for Islam and even the setting a definite timetable for our withdrawal. The second enemy we are facing comes in the form of al Qaeda in Iraq led by Abu Muzab az Zarqawi. Their objectives are far broader and ambitious (the creation of an Islamist state in Iraq; the complete and total defeat of the U.S.; the exportation of Jihad to the rest of the Muslim World; the overthrow of all the despots and apostate regimes in the region and the restoration of the Caliphate). We’ve known this for some time now, the question is, what are we to do? We must reevaluate what our goals are. Expecting “at a minimum” a secular society in Iraq was never a realistic goal. If we were looking to impose a western style democracy in Iraq, that never was an option because democracy can never be imposed from the outside, it must come from within. If that is our goal, we will fail. The more we try to impose it, the more Iraqis will perceive us as attacking their religion. We must accept that Islam is part of the fabric of the lives of Muslims and that any attempt to impose secularism from without is bound to fail. So if we can’t impose democracy or secularism in Iraq, then what do we do? Is everything lost? No, we have not lost. What we have to do, rather than holding up signs at rallies for our withdrawal like the classic “Bring Our Troops Home Now,” what we should be doing is protesting the current administrations approach and demanding a real plan for completing a realistic mission in Iraq. This would entail the following: Understanding that democracy can only come from within a society and that it can never be imposed. All we can do is to establish the conditions in Iraq to allow a political process to get underway. This means we have to establish enough security so that neither Sunni, Shiite nor Kurd, whether religious or secular, need fear reprisals or death at every turn. This would of course entail our raising troop levels far beyond what we currently have, perhaps to 350,000 or more. At the same time, it means understanding that the government with which Iraq ends up is not going to be one we would have chosen for ourselves or chosen for them. The important thing to remember, however, is that this would be the first government chosen by the people, from the people and for the good of the people of Iraq. While not as liberal or democratic as we would like, it will set a precedent that the people in the region, whether Muslim or otherwise, have the right to choose their own government. Many of the problems in the Muslim world have been of two forms, first there have always been governments that impose religious regimes upon the people and give them no choice whatsoever regarding whether or not they want that type of society (like Iran). On the other end of the spectrum are those states that outlaw any type of religious activity and promote secularism with an iron fist (like Uzbekistan). Our task in Iraq and our goal is to allow the people to choose freely what type of society they want to live in. It may not be secular, or completely democratic, but if they choose it, they are more likely to want to protect it whether Sunni, Shiite or Kurd. That would set an important precedent in the Muslim world. Let Iraqis decide the amount of religion they want in their society, and in the long run they will be more likely to liberalize and adapt to changing circumstances. We cannot hope for the ideal situation, just for the best option of many bad options we have. So with all this said, while I do not believe we should withdraw from Iraq until our mission has been completed, if this administration and the population of the United States cannot muster the will to do everything we can to win this war (both the Iraqi campaign and the War on Terror), then we might as well give up now and come home. Let Osama have his Caliphate, let Iraq burn, let us loose our credibility, let us betray those who have put their faith in us and give up our supply of oil from the region. If this administration does not change course soon, and if the people do not understand the reasons for the sacrifices we have to make this is exactly the future that awaits us.
